A dream doesn't become reality through magic. It takes sweat, determination and hard work.

Saturday, 31 May 2014

#WengerSigns: The photographers' choice

We asked club photographers Stuart MacFarlane and David Price to pick their favourite pictures of Arsène Wenger, and this is what they chose.

Scroll down this page for the images with comments from Stuart and David.

1. Villarreal v Arsenal, 2006
David says: "This image captures the moment Arsenal made it to the final of the Champions League and I just love the look of sheer joy on the boss' face. I would actually have had an even better shot but Abou Diaby ran right across my eyeline as soon as the whistle was blown! This is the second frame."

Villarreal v Arsenal, 2006
Villarreal v Arsenal, 2006

2. Fulham v Arsenal, 2002
Stuart says: "The boss makes his point during the match against Fulham in 2002. I love how animated he is in the picture, he shows so much emotion."

Fulham v Arsenal, 2002
Fulham v Arsenal, 2002

3. Arsenal v Fulham, 2014
Stuart says: "This is a nice picture of the manager arriving at the stadium looking relaxed and ready for the match against Fulham this season."

Arsenal v Fulham, 2014
Arsenal v Fulham, 2014

4. Highbury Square opens
David says: "Two very successful Arsenal managers discuss their memories of Highbury at the official opening of Highbury Square. Two very different managers linked by a common bond of Highbury and Arsenal. I like this picture because of the relaxed nature of it."

Highbury Square opens
Highbury Square opens

5. Team photoshoot, 2013
David says: "I like this shot as the boss looks like a general surrounded by his soldiers, ready to face the 2013/14 season with a clean slate. They are all focused on the same goal, to be as good as possible."

Team photoshoot, 2013
Team photoshoot, 2013

6. Pre-season training, Nagoya, 2013
David says: "I like this shot as it shows the boss in his most comfortable environment - the training pitch. It was taken on our pre-season tour and the boss has his whole squad gathered round as he outlines his plans for the new season."

Pre-season training, Nagoya
Pre-season training, Nagoya

7. At the training ground
Stuart says: "The manager in his office at the training ground. It's a side of him that’s never seen. We’re so lucky that he allows us this kind of access."

At the training ground
At the training ground

8. Arsenal v Marseille, 2013
Stuart says: "This is shot on a remote camera during the Champions League match against Marseille this season. I set a camera up next to the home dug-out before the match and fired it from my working position behind the Clock End goal during the first half. I just had to wait for him to walk into a specific spot in the technical area and turn around. The lighting in the stadium really makes this picture."

Arsenal v Marseille, 2013
Arsenal v Marseille, 2013

9. Tottenham v Arsenal, 2004
Stuart says: "The manager celebrates winning the league at White Hart Lane in front of the Arsenal fans. What makes this picture is the 'Arsène Knows' banner in the background."

Arsenal v Marseille, 2013
Arsenal v Marseille, 2013

10. Celebrating the 'Invincibles', 2004
Stuart says: "The season before the unbeaten one the boss said we could go the whole season without a league defeat. He was mocked in the media and by opposing teams' fans. This T-shirt was thrown onto the pitch after the trophy presentation, he picked it up and with a big smile showed it to the North Bank."

Celebrating the 'Invincibles'
Celebrating the 'Invincibles'

Copyright 2014 The Arsenal Football Club plc. Permission to use quotations from this article is granted subject to appropriate credit being given to www.arsenal.com as the source30 May 2014

Mungiki Leader Maina Njenga: Why They Want Me Dead

The StarMaina_Njenga

Former Mungiki leader Maina Njenga says a number of top government officials want to kill him over a matter arising from one of the Kenyan cases at the International Criminal Court.

Speaking from his hospital bed at Avenue Hospital, Nairobi, yesterday, Njenga said these officials want him dead because he refused to record a statement and become a witness in one ICC case.

In a statement to police seen by the Star, Njenga identified Nairobi politician Ferdinand Waititu as the go-between for the unnamed officials, saying the latter had approached him with a view to persuading him to become a witness.

Njenga is recuperating from an attack by unidentified gunmen at Kari Farm, Nyahururu, last weekend.

“It is not about land, and, for your information, Mungiki no longer exists; some people are pursuing me to eliminate me through calculated moves after I refused to record the ICC statements”, said Njenga.

According to Njenga, people are being murdered in other areas and buried in Kitengela so as to stir tensions in a strategy that is part of a plot to finish him.

Njenga said that before he was shot at last Saturday, his guards had spotted a number of men who took photos of his house and the vehicle he was using hours before the incident.

“One of my aides, who died in the incident, saw these men and met them in the Olkalao area – and when he asked them who they were, they referred to themselves as police officers in a crew”, said Njenga.

Njenga said he is aware the police have hired what he described as a specialized crew whosemission is to assassinate selected persons that the government feels are a nuisance.

“We decided to quit Mungiki and reform, we believe in the living God and we are not turning back, that is why He has been on my side, and, for sure, the truth shall prevail for the world to know”, he said.

He reiterated that allegations he was fighting with his brother for control of landholdings in Kitengela were false and in bad faith, aiming to create division among family members.

In a police statement seen by the Star, Njenga claimed that three vehicles had followed his convoy of two cars for some time before the shooting ambush.

The copy of the statement read in part: “I had recorded a statement at Nairobi Area [police] that my life was in danger and that I was suspicious after Mr. Waititu Ferdinand had approached me to make a statement as a witness in the ICC cases at The Hague.

“I had told him that during the violence I was in prison and so I could not make a statement. He told me that if I did not make the statement I would die mysteriously”.

The fingers of Njenga’s left hand were grazed by a bullet and are still heavily bandaged, but all indications are he will soon leave Avenue and be referred to outpatient services.

CORD rally in pictures

Boys will always be boys 

Saturday, May 31st 2014 
 CORD supporters at the Tom Mboya statue
  CORD supporters at the Tom Mboya statue  
 Cord supporters
                  Cord supporters                  


 CORD supporters
  CORD supporters  at Uhuru Park 


 CORD supporters at Uhuru Park


 Crowd at Uhuru Park awaiting Raila Odinga
  Crowd at Uhuru Park 


 CORD supporters at Uhuru Park
  CORD supporters at Uhuru Park            


Uhuru Kenyatta criticises CORD rally

Friday, May 30th 2014

Master Samuel Nyutu (left) during the burial of his father Gatungu South MP Joseph Ngugi at their home in Nembu Mutati, Kiambu County
 Master Samuel Nyutu (left) during the burial of his father Gatungu South MP Joseph Ngugi at their home in Nembu Mutati, Kiambu County

Kenya: President Uhuru Kenyatta and his deputy William Ruto have accused CORD of prematurely whipping the country into an election mood.

Speaking during the funeral of Gatundu South MP Joseph Nyumu, in Nembu Mutati, Kiambu County, the two urged the Opposition to help maintain peace and security in the country.

 “We want peace in our country. Our aim is to unite the country and enable the people improve their livelihoods in a peaceful environment,” said the President.

He said that the Opposition leaders should be patient and wait for the next General Election, instead of whipping the country into a political campaign atmosphere.

“From independence, we have never failed to hold an election. Work with us to transform the country in the meantime. Five years is not a long time. Let people wait since Kenya is a democratic state, and not a dictatorship,” Kenyatta told mourners.

Nyumu, 45, died on May 21 after collapsing at his Runda home. He leaves behind a widow and two sons.

During the ceremony, it emerged the late MP had a premonition of his death. Gatanga MP, Humphrey Njuguna who was a close friend of the MP revealed that Nyumu talked of his death on the last Sunday before he passed on.

“The Sunday before he died, we spent time together at the Parklands Sports Club in Nairobi. In the course of our conversation, He told me that he would slaughter a goat for both of us, but that if he died before that happened, I should take care of all the arrangements,” the MP said.

Polarise the country

Ruto reiterated that the Jubilee coalition will not be shaken by threats by the Opposition leaders.

“I have an agreement with the president. The agreement is that Kenya will never again walk the path of polarisation and tribalism. We meant it and we mean it even now,” he said.

The two leaders made stop-overs at various points on their way from the funeral and addressed the public. Others who addressed the mourners were National Assembly Majority Leader Adan Duale and his Senate counterpart Kithure Kindiki.

Prof Kindiki called for the arrest of people intent on destabilising the country. In apparent reference to CORD he accused the Opposition of seeking to polarise the country through the expected political rally today. “I’m very worried at the way some people returning from holiday want to polarise the country. In 2005, a process began in this country that led to bloodshed. We should avoid that route. Let anybody who wants to cause bloodshed be jailed,” he said.

Meanwhile, the Government backed down on what was boiling to be a nasty confrontation between the police and opposition supporters by lifting an earlier ban on all political gatherings.

The change of heart came after a meeting between Inspector General of Police (IG) David Kimaiyo and CORD co-principal Moses Wetangula, Siaya Senator James Orengo and former National Assembly deputy speaker Farah Maalim on Wednesday.

Jubilee claims CORD wants to seize power through backdoor

Saturday, May 31st 2014 

The Jubilee Government has reacted angrily to the sentiments by the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy (CORD) and accused the opposition of trying to seize power through the backdoor.

The ruling alliance told the opposition that there are constitutional ways to address the challenges facing the country and dared them to go ahead with their new strategy

They scoffed at the 60 days ultimatum given by the opposition to hold a national dialogue saying it should not be an avenue for the opposition to intimidate the government to give in into their demands.

National Assembly Majority Leader Adan Duale and his senate counterpart Kithure Kindiki criticised the opposition’s planned rallies across the country saying their timing was suspect when the country was facing serious national crises

Kindiki urged the opposition to come up with clear-cut legislation that can strengthen governance and rationalise government organisation to address emerging national challenges

“I am concerned that CORD is using the 1990s strategies when there was limited democratic space, the opposition must know that they have a role to drive their agenda in Parliament and not through public rallies that may serve to reignite ethnic animosity among Kenyans,” Kindiki said

Duale faulted the opposition’s new approach of public rallies saying they should put the interest of the country at heart

“The country is facing serious challenges including terrorism. The opposition has better ways in Parliament to bring forth legislations that can push for their agenda than resorting to backward and unacceptable means to try to overthrow the government,” Duale said.

He urged the opposition to focus on constitutional means to advance their agenda on the floor of Parliament warning that the Jubilee Alliance was ready to engage CORD.

“We do not fear CORD but for now, Kenyans have given us the mandate to manage the affairs of this country. Elections are over and CORD should wait for 2017,” Duale said.

Friday, 30 May 2014

The missing millions of Kibera

Africa's Propaganda Trail, part I of V: 

In June I toured Kenya with a dozen journalists; part of an International Reporting Project trip investigating reproductive health issues, funded by theGates Foundation. This is the first article in a five-part series exploring the ways we were manipulated and misled by a procession of public officials, NGOs, activists and spokespeople; examining the reasons why a disturbingly high proportion of what we hear about Africa is just plain wrong

The roof tops of Kibera
A view across the roof tops of Kibera

Kibera's slums assault the senses like a barbeque in a hot toilet. Raw waste carves gullies along the ragged ribbons of bare earth that serve as side streets and alleys, where children crawl and play in dirt you wouldn't step in unless you had to; for all my cringing, nobody seemed to mind much. Forests of twisted aerials sprout from the rooves of shacks raised up from the mud and topped with sheets of metal. The main streets are full of the hustle and bustle of the ultimate free market, the sort of anarchic community libertarians beg for, but would beg to be rescued from. AirTel signs and M-PESA logos compete with butchers and charcoal-sellers, bombarding the senses with a barrage of colour that still can't quite match that smell.

From time to time celebrities are deposited in the slums by shiny new trucks, where they cry at children to appease the gods of television and self-promotion. Like the increasing numbers of 'slum tourists', they flaunt their privileged ignorance, inspiring bemusement - sometimes contempt - in locals who take pride in the thriving, entrepreneurial community they carved out of barren earth. Ground long since disowned by Nairobi, a city that surrounds Kibera the way a brown paper bag conceals a dirty magazine.

Waste gully in Kibera
 With no sewerage system, waste runs in gullies along streets and back alleys

It was a drizzly winter's day in June, and I was visiting my first AIDS patient of the day - a fragile-yet-determined single-mother shunned by her neighbours. Already I was struggling. There's nothing interesting about AIDS. It doesn't turn its victims into eloquent activists or witty raconteurs; it just kills relentlessly, day after day, as regular and reliable as a Swiss train. One sufferer is like another sufferer is like ten million other sufferers, and there are only so many times one can – or should need to - retell the same story. Interrogating this woman in the gloom of her tiny, windowless shack, perched on tattered old chairs, I felt like a giant bully; an intruder in her tragedy without the excuse of journalistic merit to hide behind.

My mind wandered, and I imagined how I would react if I were in her shoes, fielding the same inane questions about my own life. "So Martin, what's it like being so sick and poor?" "Well Martin, it's pretty fucking miserable.""What can people do to help, Martin?" "I need medicine, Martin, and some money." "Is there any point to this interview, Martin, or is this just poverty porn?" "Do you have a question, Martin?"

A butcher
 A local butcher's shop in Kibera, selling large chunks of dead cow.

"Do you have a question, Martin?" My thoughts were interrupted by the IRP representative I'd been partnered with for this house visit, an American woman whose thousand-watt enthusiasm I rather envied. In contrast I felt crippled by a growing concern that we had walked into some sort of living-theatre project. Reacting quickly, I managed to pose a question so comprehensively dull I can't even remember what it was. The answer caught my interest though, not for its content but for the implausible method of its delivery – neat lines of perfect, copy-friendly English, delivered in about three words of Swahili.

None of this conversation was 'real'; it took place through translators provided by our hosts, a local community project claiming to represent Kibera's youth, and yet comprised almost entirely of people in their 20s or older. Attractive, bright, and enthusiastic, they had an uncanny talent for taking a few mumbled words of Swahili and turning them into the neatly-packaged on-message anecdotes beloved by the sort of cynical vultures that film the 'guilt segments' for telethons.

If you're not careful in these situations you can find yourself interviewing the translator instead of the subject; but the heat and the smell of open sewers and the close air and the dust and the boredom and the warm sweat running between your shoulder-blades wear down your concentration. As the minutes wore on our AIDS victim faded into the background, replaced by the impression of a helpful NGO worker, a smiling avatar spinning stories to the tunes of Coldplay. It was only later, replaying the scene in my head that I began to wonder; who exactly were we listening to?

And as I looked more closely at the slum that day, other niggling thoughts buried deep in my subconscious begin to trace their way to the surface. Why were the members of this 'youth' group so old? Why was everyone who spoke to us being paid in cash or food? Why hadn't the sick child we saw earlier been taken to the free MSF clinic nearby? Who were the gangs of young men standing sentinel by local community facilities? Were we visiting a legitimate aid organization, or a lucrative local industry? How many people lived in Kibera anyway?

An M-PESA store
 An M-PESA franchise - against the odds, mobile banking has transformed life in urban slums.

That morning, back in the post-colonial surroundings of our overpriced hotel, I had watched an array of speakers try and fail to give a consistent answer to that one simple question: how many people live in Kibera? Their figures varied but were all measured in millions, one enthusiastic chap claiming as many as five – something of a stretch given that Nairobi's entire population is only around three million.

A quick search on Google finds page after page of estimates in or around the same ball-park. The White Housereckon it's "just about 1.5 million", while the BBC claim 700,000. Jambo Volunteers say "more than one million."The rather sickly-sounding Global Angels reckon "around 1 million." TheKibera Tours website describes "a population estimated at one million."The Kibera Law Centre gives "almost 1 million." Shining Hope for Communities reckon that Kibera"houses 1.5 million people." The Kibera Foundation talk about "a population of almost a million people," as do Kibera UK and about a hundred other sites you can find through your friendly neighbourhood search engine.

A week later, Harper's Jeff Sharlet and I returned for our own trip; a three-mile hike across the slums with a local fixer we knew. Our mission: to see if we could find something that was interesting, or real, or ideally both. Walking from the Pamoja FM studio in the middle-class Ayany district at the west of Kibera, to Lindi in the east, we passed through several of Kibera's thirteen villages, and confirmed what I already knew from previous visits to Kenya - the idea that Kibera holds a million people is completely and utterly absurd.

A Kiberan kid
 A Scottish football fan practises his 'wtf' face.

That much is obvious if you just visit the place and spend a few days wandering around it; actually looking at it. Kibera consists of around two square miles of densely-clustered, single story shacks. For the White House's estimate to be accurate, Kibera's cluttered streets and labyrinthine alleyways would have to support a population density thirty times higher than the towering skyscrapers of New York. All the crow bars and grease in the world could not fit that many people into that small a space.

The mythical million comes from estimates built upon estimates that have spread over the years like Chinese whispers through the NGO community and, later, the internet. Paul Currion laid out how this works two years ago, in his essay "Lies, damned lies and you know the rest":

In the absence of actual data (such as an official census), NGO staff make a back-of-envelope estimate in order to plan their projects; a postgraduate visiting the NGO staff tweaks that estimate for his thesis research; a journalist interviews the researcher and includes the estimate in a newspaper article; a UN officer reads the article and copies the estimate into her report; a television station picks up the report and the estimate becomes the headline; NGO staff see the television report and update their original estimate accordingly. All statistical hell breaks loose, and the population of Kibera leaps ever higher.

Every actor at every stage has a motive for using the upper end of that initial estimate, rather than more conservative figures – planning, funding, visibility, and so on – but no single person is responsible for inflating the figure progressively further from reality.

Hence the shock when a census by the Kenyan government found only 170,000 residents, a count probably not much higher than the number of NGOs that have swarmed into the area. It isn't easy counting the transient population of an informal settlement, and of course the government don't have a fantastic record on Kibera – if they did, it wouldn't exist – but their figures fit reasonably well with those produced by others. The Map Kibera Project used sampling to produce an estimate of 235,000-270,000, whileKeyObs deployed the cold, hard gaze of a satellite to produce an estimate of around 200,000. These more accurate figures have suffered the fate that tends to befall most inconvenient truths; they have been widely ignored.

Does this matter? Yes, if it means that years of funding and community planning are based on figures that are complete and utter bullshit. Kibera hosts some of the world's poorest people; residents whose problems are very real and immediate, whose scale hardly needs exaggerating. In a community estimated to host several hundred NGOs, charities and agencies, sucking in millions of dollars in foreign aid, such a fundamental error raises a more disturbing question: if so many people are so wrong about something so basic, what else isn't true?

Thursday, 29 May 2014

What’s So Scary About Smart Girls?


WHEN terrorists in Nigeria organized a secret attack last month, they didn’t target an army barracks, a police department or a drone base. No, Boko Haram militants attacked what is even scarier to a fanatic: a girls’ school.

That’s what extremists do. They target educated girls, their worst nightmare.

That’s why the Pakistani Taliban shot Malala Yousafzai in the head at age 15. That’s why the Afghan Taliban throws acid on the faces of girls who dare to seek an education.

Why are fanatics so terrified of girls’ education? Because there’s no force more powerful to transform a society. The greatest threat to extremism isn’t drones firing missiles, but girls reading books.

Nicholas Kristof


In that sense, Boko Haram was behaving perfectly rationally — albeit barbarically — when it kidnapped some of the brightest, most ambitious girls in the region and announced plans to sell them as slaves. If you want to mire a nation in backwardness, manacle your daughters.

What saddens me is that we in the West aren’t acting as rationally. To fight militancy, we invest overwhelmingly in the military toolbox but not so much in the education toolbox that has a far better record at defeating militancy.

President Obama gives the green light to blow up terrorists with drones, but he neglects his 2008 campaign promise to establish a $2 billion global fund for education. I wish Republicans, instead of investigating him for chimerical scandals in Benghazi, Libya, would shine a light on his failure to follow through on that great idea.

So why does girls’ education matter so much? First, because it changes demography.

A classroom in Mali.


One of the factors that correlates most strongly to instability is a youth bulge in a population. The more unemployed young men ages 15 to 24, the more upheaval.

One study found that for every 1 percentage point increase in the share of the population aged 15 to 24, the risk of civil war increases by 4 percent.

That means that curbing birthrates tends to lead to stability, and that’s where educating girls comes in. You educate a boy, and he’ll have fewer children, but it’s a small effect. You educate a girl, and, on average, she will have a significantly smaller family. One robust Nigeria study managed to tease out correlation from causation and found that for each additional year of primary school, a girl has 0.26 fewer children. So if we want to reduce the youth bulge a decade from now, educate girls today.

More broadly, girls’ education can, in effect, almost double the formal labor force. It boosts the economy, raising living standards and promoting a virtuous cycle of development. Asia’s economic boom was built by educating girls and moving them from the villages to far more productive work in the cities.

One example of the power of girls’ education is Bangladesh, which until 1971 was (the seemingly hopeless) part of Pakistan. After Bangladesh gained independence, it emphasized education, including of girls; today, it actually has more girls in high school than boys. Those educated women became the backbone of Grameen Bank, development organizations like BRAC and the garment industry.

Likewise, Oman in the 1960s was one of the most backward countries in the world, with no television, no diplomats and radios banned. Not a single girl attended school in Oman. Then there was a coup, and the new government educated boys and girls alike.

Today, Oman is stable and incomparably better off than its neighbor, Yemen, where girls are still married off young and often denied an education. America is fighting Al Qaeda affiliates in Yemen and Pakistan with drones; maybe we should invest in girls’ schools as Bangladesh and Oman did.

Girls’ education is no silver bullet. Iran and Saudi Arabia have both educated girls but refused to empower them, so both remain mired in the past. But when a country educates and unleashes women, those educated women often become force multipliers for good.

Angeline Mugwendere was an impoverished Zimbabwean girl who was mocked by classmates because she traipsed to school barefoot in a torn dress with nothing underneath. She couldn’t afford school supplies, so she would wash dishes for her teachers in hopes of being given a pen or paper in thanks.

Yet Angeline was brilliant. In the nationwide sixth-grade graduation examinations, she had the highest score in her entire district — indeed, one of the highest scores in the country. Yet she had no hope of attending seventh grade because she couldn’t afford the fees.

That’s when a nonprofit called the Campaign for Female Education, or Camfed, came along and helped pay for Angeline to stay in school. She did brilliantly in high school and is now the regional director for Camfed, in charge of helping impoverished girls get to school in four African countries. She’s paying it forward.

Educating girls and empowering women are also tasks that are, by global standards, relatively doable. We spend billions of dollars on intelligence collection, counterterrorism and military interventions, even though they have a quite mixed record. By comparison, educating girls is an underfunded cause even though it’s more straightforward.

Readers often feel helpless, unable to make a difference. But it was a grass-roots movement starting in Nigeria that grabbed attention and held leaders accountable to address it. Nigeria’s leaders perhaps now realize that they must protect not only oil wells but an even greater treasure: the nation’s students.

Likewise, any of us can stick it to Boko Haram by helping to educate a girl. A $40 gift at Camfed.org buys a uniform so that a girl can go to school.

We can also call on members of Congress to pass the International Violence Against Women Act, which would elevate the issue of sexual violence on the global agenda.

Boko Haram has a stronghold in northeastern Nigeria because it’s an area where education is weak and women are marginalized. Some two-thirds of women in the region have had no formal education. Only 1 in 20 has completed high school. Half are married by age 15.

Obviously, the situation in the United States is incomparably better. But we have our own problems. It’s estimated that 100,000 girls under 18 years old in the United States are trafficked into commercial sex each year. So let’s fight to #BringBackOurGirls in Nigeria but also here in the United States and around the world.

Kenyan Police are among the most corrupt police forces in the world.

Police corruption is a form of police misconduct in which law enforcement officers seek personal gain, such as money or career advancement, through the abuse of power, for example by accepting bribes in exchange for not pursuing, or selectively pursuing, an investigation or arrest. Throughout the world, police forces are cause of deep-rooted corruption. They involved in such criminal activities that hurt the society and endangered its citizens. Many policemen are underpaid and want to make extra money, they turn to corruption – but their selfish acts have caused a large amount of damage on countries that desperately need help. We also wrote an article on 10 corrupt countries, you may like that.

Here are the 10 most corrupt police forces in the world.

10. Pakistan Police.

Most Corrupt Police Forces

Pakistan’s police has been ranked among the most corrupt institutions in the country in a survey by an international anti-graft watchdog. Many citizens believe that the police is the most corrupt sector of the Pakistani government. Police brutality, extortion bribery and arresting innocent citizens are all crimes that have been committed among Pakistan’s police forces.

9. Russia Police.

Most Corrupt Police Forces

Russian government is no stranger to corruption, especially within its police force. Within recent years, facts have surfaced about the corruption and crimes being committed by Russian police officers. Police brutality, extorting bribes and arresting innocent citizens are all crimes that have been committed among Russian police forces. In order to ensure monthly quotas and make ends meet, Russian police turn to corruption and bribery.

8. Sudan Police.

Most Corrupt Police Forces

Sudan is one of the most corrupt countries for various reasons. Not only has their former president Oman Al-Bashir been indicted for war crimes and genocide, but this nation suffers from a corrupt police force. Sudanese police have been known to extort bribes from civilians in order to supplement their incomes. Police rarely file reports or investigate crimes, and often use violence and retaliation against people who complain about police abuses.

7. Afghanistan Police.

Most Corrupt Police Forces

Afghanistan has had one of the most corrupt police forces in the world, and it seems like it’s only getting worse with time. Graft has made it impossible for Afghan police to improve and effectively do their job, but corruption is witnessed within the police force, as well. Afghan police have been known to extort money and inflict violence on civilians at police checkpoints around the country. Police also bribe civilians into paying them for their release from prison or to avoid arrest. Although police corruption has gotten slightly better with international efforts and retraining, it continues to suffer at the whim of governmental corruption and power.

6. Somalia Police.

Most Corrupt Police Forces

The Somali police force is at No. 4 amongst the most corrupt in the world. This war-torn country continues to face  great difficulties and people are at the greatest risk. The Somali police have been popular to be ineffective and crooked, because they are underpaid. Most of Somali police officers involved in steeling, extortion, bribery and they harass individuals to get money.

5. Iraq Police.

Most Corrupt Police Forces

The Iraqi police have had a long history of corruption and, despite funds and retraining efforts, they’ve managed to maintain their corruption. Iraqi police continue to be highly sectarian and participate in kidnappings, ransom payments and bribery. They have proven to be ineffective at controlling terrorism efforts and protecting civilians in the ways they need to be.

4. Burma Police.

Most Corrupt Police Forces

Burma ranked 4 amongst the countries with a troubled agency. Corruption among police force is most common here. The Burma police has been known to make victims pay for criminal investigations. They are popular for extortion money from civilians. Burma is ruled by a highly authoritarian military regime, therefore the Burma police and the rights of citizens are under direct hold of military.

3. Kenya Police.

Most Corrupt Police Forces

Kenya ia at No.3 amongst the most corrupt police forces in the world. According to a recent survay report of Transparency International, the 92 percent civilians of Kenya ranked their police as the most corrupt and many of them have paid a bribe to their police during the last 12 months. Civilians are bribed into paying police for access to various services, like Customs, healthcare, education, police, registration and permits. They paid a bribe even on utility services.

2. Mexico Police.

Most Corrupt Police Forces

Mexico hold second spot amongst the most corrupt police forces. One of the most troubled police and it continues to get worse every day. Crime is at an all-time high in Mexico City and border towns, but many police officers are only making it worse. Mexican police turn to corruption to find other means of money because the pay is low. Police will bribe criminals and extort tourists and have been known to give victims the option of “plata o plomo,” which means they can either accept a bribe or be killed. Mexican police also work with drug cartels to protect them and enforce drug trafficking. They often ignore reported crimes and do not investigate them, often imprisoning innocent citizens to cover up their dirty work.

1. Haiti Police.

Most Corrupt Police Forces

World’s most corrupt police force is of Haiti. The Haitian police have negatively influenced society and Haitian culture with their unethical practices for quite awhile. In recent years, the Haitian National Police have violated various human rights and broken numerous laws, such as kidnapping, drug trafficking and police brutality. They have even resisted preventing or responding to gang-related violence. The lawlessness of the HNP appears to have died down slightly after the catastrophic earthquake in January 2010, but only time will tell if it will stay this way. (source)